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Author: MichaelEhline

Sovereign Citizens, Copwatchers Soliciting Trespass Watkins v. Miller Case

I am Michael Ehline, Esq. I am a Willis, Texas, and Los Angeles injury/civil rights lawyer. I was an early supporter of the sovereign citizen movement and traditional common law courts in particular. I [rightly] believed that our court system and police officers generally violate the unalienable rights of the less advantaged. I ended up becoming a lawyer, thinking I could fight the system from within, the same way the secular humanists did to our schools in the 1960s.

Traffic stops and police watch protocols for patriots are rooted in the sovereign citizen movement of the 1980s. Sovereign citizen ideology, and to a lesser degree, cop watcher and First Amendment Auditor beliefs, tend to rely on many unpublished cases or misreading of the law, as discussed. Many sovereign citizens engage police in roadside lawyering.

Sovereign citizens are the extreme of auditors and often hate paying taxes, don’t want a birth certificate (the family bible is okay), and consider most law enforcement officers as enforcing commercial law that does not apply to them. They are also considered to be part of the posse comitatus movement. In the middle, we have ordinary people documenting public buildings and officials and holding them to account. How they do it is often based on legal concepts that do not pass judicial muster.

Sovereign citizen arguments include the concept that police cannot ask a private business to ask the shop owner if they want police to cite (“solicit”) you for trespass. I’m afraid that’s wrong; it is NOT any law I could find, and it could very well land you in jail. As an aside, if you don’t want to be treated like anti-government extremists, get a better understanding of the legal system and how to brief case law. Otherwise, you could end up in jail or even federal prison.

  • It is NOT a Federal Crime for cops to Solicit a Trespass, aka Ask a Manager if they Want Someone to Leave!

This is the case your typical sovereign citizen group will use to say cops can’t ask store owners if they want to “trespass” someone. To understand why cops can’t “solicit a trespass” in the context of filming police, private or public buildings, we must delve into the matter. We’ll start by examining Watkins v. Miller, an unpublished case.

“‘Specifically, the district court found that there was no constitutional violation because Watkins did not allege that he was told that he was not free to leave or that he was wrongfully forced to stay on the property while Miller processed a formal trespass warning.'”

Justia

In this case, Watkins claimed he was seized to cite him as a trespasser. Watkins appeared to argue that he was forced to stay for a trespass warning when all he had to do was leave, and there would be no trespass. (also wrong).

Watkins alleged that Miller unreasonably seized him and denied him of liberty without due process when Miller gave him an unauthorized trespass warning on private property.” “Watkins alleged that Miller unreasonably seized him and denied him of liberty without due process when Miller gave him an unauthorized trespass warning on private property.

In other words, party A (law enforcement officers) encouraged party B (Ex, someone who knows they will trespass if they go along with it) to break the law, aka “solicitation.”

The question arises: Does a cop asking a business or public official if they want to cite a disruptive visitor for trespass constitute solicitation? Generally, the answer is HELL NO! But first, I need you to listen to me. Stop citing unpublished cases like Watkins v. Miller, and stop citing cases out of your jurisdiction until you Sheperdize them.

Depublished Case Defined

The term’ depublished case’ refers to a legal case where the verdict or opinion has been deselected from official law reporting or mentioned in legal databases. This implies that the case can’t be referenced as a legal precedent for future cases, nor can it be used as a trusted resource in law-based discussions. Various reasons might motivate a court’s decision to depublish a case. For instance, they may perceive the verdict as inaccurate or contradict other legal precedents.

Alternatively, specific or confidential factors may be involved in the case, rendering it unsuitable for use as a past example. In essence, the depublishing of a case wipes it from the broad body of recognized law that attorneys and judges use as a roadmap to interpret and enforce the law in ongoing cases. 

Still, it’s crucial to highlight that just because a case has been depublished, it doesn’t mean it has vanished into thin air or lost its value completely. While it doesn’t hold weight as a binding precedent, it could have relevance in specific situations, such as for educational reasons or to offer some context on legal matters. In some regions, depublished cases can also be treated as persuasive authority. Despite not being binding on the Court, they can validate a stance in legal discussions.

Solicitation Defined

Think of criminal solicitation as a scenario where someone tries to persuade, tempt, or provoke another individual to partake in illegal activities. It involves a proactive persuasion or tempting of someone else to perform an illicit act. Solicitation, as a criminal act, typically happens before the intended illegality occurs, and its prosecution can proceed even if the crime above doesn’t come to fruition. 

Consider this: if an individual urges someone else to carry out a robbery or become involved in a drug trafficking operation, they can face charges for soliciting a theft or drug trafficking—even if the intended crime isn’t committed. 

Legal stipulations surrounding criminal solicitation may not be uniform across all regions. Still, it’s typically perceived as a grave violation thanks to its propensity to promote criminal deeds and its harmful implications for the community. The penalties for solicitation can vary greatly, ranging from monetary fines to imprisonment—depending on the local jurisdiction’s laws and the offense’s seriousness.

Trespass in Florida at that Time?

‘”A trespass in a structure or conveyance under Florida law occurs when a person, ‘without being authorized, licensed, or invited, willfully enters or remains in any structure or conveyance, or, having been authorized, licensed, or invited, is warned by the owner or lessee of the premises, or by a person authorized by the owner or lessee, to depart and refuses to do so.’ Fla. Stat. § 810.08(1). In short, Fla. Stat. § 810.08(1) prohibits trespassing inside structures or conveyances when an owner or authorized person gives notice to the person to leave. See id.'”

Enter the Depublished Case – Watkins v. Miller

“In Watkins v. Miller, a key insight was provided into the complex legal nuances discourse surrounding the notion of soliciting a trespass. The court declared that one can only be guilty of criminal solicitation if they’re instigating someone to commit an unlawful act.”

In his § 1983 complaint, Watkins alleged that, on August 30, 2014, he was in a shopping center parking lot when Miller approached him and said that he had received an anonymous call from someone who did not want Watkins on the property. Miller told Watkins that he was trespassing and instructed him to leave the property and not return.

Watkins asked Miller if the owners of the property had said he was trespassing, and Miller responded that he did not know who had called. In response to Miller’s instruction, Watkins refused to leave the property, arguing that Miller did not have the authority or authorization to order Watkins to leave the property.

Eric Watkins v. Brian Miller, No. 18-14165 (11th Cir. 2019)

Thus, the Court’s logic and legal precedent tell us that trespassing is unlawful.

  • Soliciting a trespass implies encouraging, inviting, or otherwise facilitating an individual to enter or remain on certain premises unlawfully. A principal element of soliciting a trespass charge involves the individual knowingly acting against the property owner’s wishes.
  • In Watkins v. Miller, the Court dismissed the appellant’s First Amendment defense, ensuring that free speech rights do not pardon individuals from trespassing on private property. Therefore, any act to solicit a trespass could be considered endorsing an illegal activity.
  • The ‘Copwatch’ movement monitors and documents police activity to deter misconduct and ensure accountability. The ruling in City of Houston v. Hill protected this activity by upholding the public’s First Amendment right to critique or record the police. But what happens when their activities take place on private property?
  • Sovereign citizens often claim exemption from local, state, and federal laws, basing their views on Alternative Law theories. However, the ruling in US v. Hines further reinforced that such claims do not legally exempt them from obeying the laws of the land.

What About No Trespassing Signs?

“Specifically, Watkins claimed that Miller lacked the authority to make such an order under Florida law because there were no “no trespassing” signs. Hence, [according to ] Miller was not the property owner or a person authorized by the owner.” “The district court denied Watkins’s motion to proceed IFP and sua sponte dismissed his complaint without prejudice as frivolous, pursuant to 28 USC.”

Despite their sovereignty claims, ‘Sovereign Citizens’ remain bound by the laws and regulations, nullifying their assumed freedom to encourage trespass or disregard property rights. The idea of soliciting a trespass clashes with the legal necessity for consent from the property owner, forming a tight spot for any who try to justify these actions under the guise of alternative legal interpretations. It’s crucial to comprehend that even an invitation to trespass does not bypass this mandate, making it impossible to solicit a trespass legally. 

Here, “Watkins did not identify in his complaint any actual deprivation of a constitutionally protected liberty interest or any constitutionally inadequate process that occurred. To the extent Watkins asserts a liberty interest in remaining in the shopping center’s parking lot, Watkins did not have a constitutionally protected liberty interest in remaining on that private property. In contrast to public property, Watkins did not have a liberty interest in remaining in a private parking lot, and the officers explained to him that he was trespassing and gave him an opportunity to leave. See Fla. Stat. § 810.09(1)(a)(1); Catron, 658 F.3d at 1266.

Further, Watkins’s argument that Miller lacked the authority or authorization to issue him a trespass warning under Florida trespass law and, therefore, provided him with inadequate process in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment is unfounded. Watkins’s encounter with Miller occurred in a parking lot on private property, which is property other than a structure or conveyance covered under Fla. Stat. § 810.09(1)(a)(1). See RCW, 507 So. 2d at 702 (explaining that a parking lot of a mall is property other than a structure or conveyance).

Unlike Fla. Stat. § 810.08(1), a trespass warning by an owner or authorized person is not required under § 810.09(1)(a)(1). (See Fla. Stat. §§ 810.08(1), 810.09(1)(a)(1). As Watkins was in a parking lot and not inside a structure or conveyance, Miller provided the requisite notice that Watkins was prohibited from remaining on that property and instructed that he leave. See id. § 810.09(1)(a)(1).”

Here, the Court also ruled that any other reasonable person knew they could have left at any time.

Dabbling into the realm of ”Copwatchers”

Their activities are primarily protected under the First Amendment as they serve to promote transparency and ensure police accountability. However, the protection of free speech may be waived if it involves illegal activities such as trespassing. This means that while Copwatchers are free to document and critique police activities, they must do so while respecting the boundaries of private property and the rights of others. 

Intertwining the law, civil rights, and individual freedom weaves a complex tapestry. Watkins v. Miller serves as a precedent, guiding us through the dilemmas that arise when we delve deep into soliciting a trespass, sovereign citizens, and copwatchers.

“FRIVOLOUS” Watkins v. Miller Case

Trespassing charges were upheld when a citizen was asked to leave the privately owned property. This case helps to set the precedent that one cannot solicit a trespass, as it would involve enticing or encouraging illegal activity. City of Houston v. Hill The Supreme Court struck down a Houston ordinance, making it illegal to obstruct police officers from carrying out their duties.

Copwatchers often cite this case as protecting their right to observe and document police activity. US v. Hines A member of the ‘Moorish Nation’ identified as a sovereign citizen was successfully prosecuted for document fraud. This case affirms that sovereign citizens are not immune from local, state, and federal laws.

Ultimately, Watkins v. Miller serves as a sobering reminder that constitutional freedoms, while vital to preserving democratic society, do not cover the perpetuation of illegal activities. Encouraging trespass, even under pretensions of sovereignty or accountability, is legally untenable and may result in punitive consequences for those advocating such behavior. 

What Soliciting a Trespass IS?

When we say someone has solicited a trespass, we’re talking about someone who has encouraged, prompted, or even asked someone else to trespass or stay and be trespassed. Remember that trespassing means illegally entering or staying within the precincts of someone else’s property without their explicit permission. Thus, soliciting a trespass refers to urging someone else to solicit ANOTHER to TRESPASS. Interestingly, even if the solicited trespass does not happen, the instigation is deemed a crime. 

Despite its regular usage in certain circles, soliciting a trespass as a concept is somewhat novel and unclear in legal history. More often than not, it’s associated with scenarios where people incite others to partake in acts of protest or civil resistance that necessitate trespassing. These instances vary widely, from compelling a sit-in protest at a privately-owned establishment to persuading masses to occupy government-owned premises. 

Soliciting a trespass can get convoluted when you throw sovereign citizens and copwatchers into the equation. Considering that sovereign citizens tend to reject the jurisdiction of the state and its respective laws, including those about property rights, things can get dicey. Copwatchers may argue that their endeavors are safeguarded under the First Amendment freedoms of speech and press, even despite potential trespassing or encouraging others to do so. 

Although it is not directly related to soliciting a trespass, the Watkins v. Miller case offers some interesting insights. The case revolved around whether a police officer could be held accountable for arresting a man filming them from his property. The Court ultimately gave the officer qualified immunity, a legal safeguard typically reserved for government officials. This case underscores the ongoing discourses about boundaries regarding property rights, state authority, and individuals’ rights to scrutinize police activity. 

So, the next time you encounter a potential trespass situation, it’s important to remember always to respect the rights of others. Exercising restraint is vital, as attempts to seek justice, hold someone accountable, or express freedom should never compromise the rights of another individual. 

Can Alex Jones Sue the CIA for Targeting Him and Win?

It’s exploding all over X, “That FBI/CIA Attempted To Silence Him [Alex Jones].” Many pundits argue political motivations drive intelligence operations as weapons against at least half of the American population, including Jones company, Free Speech Systems. This article examines the legal landscape surrounding claims of CIA surveillance and political targeting and assesses the viability of legal recourse for affected individuals. If your family was targeted, you should be worried. 

Reporter: “Alex Jones?

CIA Contractor Gavin O’Blennis: “Yea, So We Were After Him. Big Time!”

A: “You Can kind of put in anyone in jail if you know what to do.”

Q: “How?”

A: “You Set ’em Up.” 01:52

What Jones Says?

Jones argues that Musk, Tucker Carlson, and others who support limited government threaten the WEF and WHO agenda. With Mother Jones and the far-left, tax-subsidized NPR leading the way, all things Alex Jones were branded as “untrustworthy.” This happened after a Connecticut jury found him liable in the defamation case on behalf of the Sandy Hook victims, discussed below. This prompted Jones to seek bankruptcy protection.

NPR Is Run By Leftists?

NPR Admitted Days Ago is Buries Bad Press for Democrats?

Yes and it always has.

“In the Texas trial, Bernard Pettingill, a forensic economist hired by the plaintiffs, estimated that Jones and his companies have a net worth of up to $270 million. Pettingill also said Jones withdrew $62 million in 2021. Jones has said his businesses are struggling.” 

Have you ever wondered how certain fringe personalities manage to draw the attention of powerful institutions like the CIA? If you have, then you’re not alone. Today, we dive into the Alex Jones case. He is an outspoken pro-liberty host. He alleges the US intelligence apparatus targeted him. Getting into a legal tussle with such a behemoth might seem daunting, but there’s a method to the madness, and we’ll break it down for you. 

Breakdown

  • Who is Alex Jones, and why does he believe he’s being targeted?
  • Can he sue the CIA? And if yes, how?
  • What strategies could potentially help him win such a case?

“In this fight for truth, justice, and liberty, every move matters. Understanding the steps Alex Jones will need to traverse in a potential lawsuit against the CIA is not just a matter of speculation—it’s also about understanding the very fabric of our rights and freedoms.”

Sandy Hook School Shooting, Sandy Hook Families

“Conspiracy theorist” Alex Jones is known outside the Q and patriot movements for his loss in the Sandy Hook Defamation case. He said it was a hoax and the victims were crisis actors. The Sandy Hook victims (surviving Sandy Hook families) filed multiple lawsuits, and Jones lost.

Many on the right say the defamed Sandy Hook Shooting victims were not accurate and just conspiracy theories. They claimed Sandy Hook was a false flag operation by the CIA, as did Jones. That is why the victim’s families sued him for defamation. 

In that case, an attacker was alleged to have killed 20 children and six educators in Newtown, Conn. Many Jones supporters claim the left used the Sandy Hook Elementary School Shooting to try and carve away more of our Second Amendment rights to keep and bear arms. 

Jones seized on the story, leading to him being discredited by much of the public as a conspiracy theorist. He thinks the CIA should be held accountable to him for their role in discrediting him without a warrant. 

Evolution of the CIA Leviathan

The CIA’s surveillance activities have historically operated under a veil of secrecy, making it challenging for individuals to ascertain whether they have been subject to surveillance or targeting. Nonetheless, revelations have shed light on illegal surveillance programs. 

This raises many questions about compliance with the law.

Fourth Amendment

The Fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution reads as follows:

“The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched and the persons or things to be seized.”

We already know the CIA has a history of little respect for civil liberties, especially the Bill of Rights. Recently, whistleblowers exposed the political targeting of conservatives and families. This once again prompted calls for NSA accountability and transparency.

The Retired CIA Officials

Many recall that former intelligence officials came out and said the Hunter Biden laptop was Russian disinformation, reinforcing claims by Donald Trump that woke leftists run the CIA. Either way, Jones’ financial fate is now in the hands of Bankruptcy Judge Christopher Lopez. How much money Jones must pay from his bankruptcy filing and how much he can keep are on the agenda. 

If you make his mistakes, you could end up in a struggle session yourself and into bankruptcy proceedings. And this is the message to Musk and Tucker Carlson:

if you don’t comply, you’ll have to curb your spending and “extravagant lifestyle.” Based on this video, we can see if you support a lot of the things Jones does, you are likely targeted as a conspiracy theorist like the “Infowars host.” 

VIDEO: Can I Sue The FBI?

Courts and politicians are using an exception (Data Broker Loophole) in Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act to circumvent warrantless searches of the American people.

“Section 702 explicitly prohibits the government from targeting Americans.”

Wired

The [OVERSEAS] surveillance program, known as Section 702, empowers the government to collect, without a warrant and from American companies like Google and AT&T, the communications of foreigners abroad who are targeted for intelligence purposes — even when they are talking with or about Americans.

NY Times

The Leviathan-like view the CIA uses to ignore this law is based on misconceptions of common law and statutory procedures for handling supposedly secret evidence.  

  1. Courts have permitted the government to invoke the state secrets privilege in Section 702 cases despite Congress’ explicit creation of a statutory method for a federal court to review illegal surveillance evidence in secret under 50 USC § 1806(f)
  2. Courts have broadened the scope of that privilege, effectively allowing the government to claim secrecy over so-called “widely known facts.” This lets them sneakily terminate litigation if your case also covers ANY public facts. So if I say the CIA planted a wiretap on my bicycle, and I previously posted a photo of my bicycle online, the CIA can tell a court to “pound sand” if I later sue the CIA and demand emails and records of the bike wiretap. The Court can dismiss my case based solely on the government’s unverified assertions. Imagine that?

Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) is one of the most insidious and secretive mass surveillance authorities still in operation today. The Security and Freedom Enhancement (SAFE) Act would make some much-needed and long fought-for reforms, but it also does not go nearly far enough to rein in a surveillance law that the federal government has abused time and time again.

EFF

The second major reform the SAFE Act provides is to close the “data brooker loophole,” [Sic.] which EFF has been calling attention to for years. As one example, mobile apps often collect user data to sell it to advertisers on the open market. The problem is law enforcement and intelligence agencies increasingly buy this private user data, rather than obtain a warrant for it. This bill would largely prohibit the government from purchasing personal data they would otherwise need a warrant to collect. This provision does include a potentially significant exception for situations where the government cannot exclude Americans’ data from larger “compilations” that include foreigners’ data.

You can read the full text of the bill here.

Other Issues With Suing the CIA Itself

The CIA hates warrants. To them, you are nothing. Victims of alleged CIA surveillance and political targeting may seek redress through various legal avenues. 

Examples include:

  • Constitutional claims: Alleged violations can include the Fourth Amendment’s protection against unreasonable searches and seizures. They include the First Amendment’s free speech and association guarantee and the Fifth Amendment’s due process clause. 
  • Statutory remedies include the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), the Privacy Act, and the Torture Victim Protection Act (TVPA). 
  • Civil litigation: Litigation could arise from tort claims such as invasion of privacy, intentional infliction of emotional distress, violations of federal and state laws, etc.

Big Tech and CIA Instrumentalities of Each Otherother?

Understanding the connection with big tech, the FBI, and the CIA is crucial. This helps us know how entities operate as state instrumentalities. Big tech companies have been scrutinized for acting as conduits for government surveillance, a potentially unsettling aspect of a pro-liberty individual’s life. 

Remember, big tech companies like Google, Facebook, and Twitter handle vast user data daily. This allows private companies to help the FBI and CIA. Consequently, these big tech firms are often caught up in controversies involving user privacy invasions – an accusation Jones bases his lawson on. Elon Musk exposed the humongous revolving door employment scheme between military and other administrative agencies, all alarmingly politically left-wing. 

Allow me to paint a clearer picture for you. Big tech companies have elaborate data collection mechanisms, allowing them to analyze, store, re, and transmit user data. In many instances, this data is viewed by agencies like the CIA and the FBI- all in the name of national security. When a public/private connection becomes this strong, these agencies and companies are now “instrumentalities” of the state. This makes them unlawful and even treasonous in the eyes of many experts.

Google Hates Infowars Founder Alex Jones and its Supporters?

Maybe? Many say Google discounts links from sites like Google when factoring in organic search rankings. For example, if you are a liberal-leaning site, such as Associated Press or MSNBC, Google considers you an authority, which means you and the sites you link to will rank higher in the search engine. In the minds of Silicon Valley, anything Jones says is a conspiracy theory.

Study Finds: Google Interfered in US Elections 41 Times

Posted by Alice Green | Mar 28, 2024 | 4  (Source Punching Bag Post.) 

Their agenda is, in fact, a one-world government and TOTAL control over the media narrative. They employ an army of “fact checkers,” who often fact-check things the article does not even argue, or say a piece critical of a WEF supported as “lacks context,” and use that as a social credit “misinformation” strike on your profile. Your account is throttled, and anyone who saw your post is warned you are engaged in DISINFO. Many people, including myself, have seen this happen in real-time, and I break down a Meta “Fake Check” here.

Holding the CIA Accountable: Exploring Legal Avenues for Victims of Political Targeting

Abstract: Recently, concerns about government surveillance and political targeting have become increasingly prevalent. This article covers individuals targeted by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for political views. We’ll explore potential causes of action, as well as procedural hurdles. We will also review civil liberties and government accountability by examining relevant case law, statutes, and constitutional principles.

Can He Sue and Win?

It may come as a surprise, but the NSA and FBI surveilled at least one active US Congressman. During a hearing about the renewal of the disputable collective NSA spying authorizations known as FISA Amendments Act section 702, Rep. Darin LaHood from Illinois made this revelation: 

"The member of Congress who was inaccurately queried multiple times using only his name was me." 

It seems that among the Congresspersons named in a footnote (footnote 92) in a recent governmental finding. What’s more dumbfounding is that even though he’s fully aware he was a target, he has no recourse to sue.

In no uncertain terms, government secrecy currently renders many checks and balances for national security surveillance in FISA and the US Constitution practically useless.

 Now that we’ve set the scene, let’s look at some essential facts to consider:

  1. The CIA’s targeting program shows the Orwellian-like nature of the US government’s post-9/11 surveillance measures. It highlights the necessity for more Congressional oversight.
  2. Investigations directed by the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence and the House Judiciary Committee are looking into how intelligence agencies target Americans.
  3. The collaboration between the FBI and other US intelligence agencies has drawn considerable criticism. It set off a wave of intense examination from the new Republican-run Congress.
  4. Critics like Patrick Eddington from the Cato Institute propose that FBI practices, such as utilizing informants to sway civil society organizations and probing CIA and NSA data streams on US citizens, should be forbidden by law.
  1. A declassified report by the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (PCLOB) unveiled alarming evidence of the CIA’s surveillance program. We have direct evidence it was implemented outside of the statutory reforms and scrutiny established for the intelligence community.
  2. The CIA claims it remains committed to respecting US civilians’ privacy and civil liberties in executing “crucial national security missions.”
  3. However, the report exposes disturbing instances of broad, invasive financial snooping of private transactions by American consumers.
  4. Americans are calling for expansive Congressional oversight of surveillance activities, kick-started by an investigation led by House members.

For close to two decades, one of EFF’s significant priorities has been to ensure that you can maintain your privacy online.

A Bit of Background – EFF’s Journey in the Legal Field

The roots of EFF’s involvement in this matter go back even before the introduction of Section 702. We filed a lawsuit in 2006, Hepting v. AT&T, based on first-hand evidence from whistleblower Mark Klein that alleged telecommunications companies were copying the contents of internet traffic at the NSA’s behest.

The passing of the FISA Amendments Act in 2008, which also established Section 702, essentially made this lawsuit redundant by providing the companies with retroactive immunity. Not one to back down, and at the particular suggestion of key Congressional members, EFF yet again launched a lawsuit on behalf of AT&T consumers, this time aiming to hold the government accountable.

This lawsuit, Jewel v. NSA, persisted for 14 years and was strengthened by the Snowden revelations and the wave of additional public information regarding the NSA’s extensive spying programs that followed. 

The Case of Jewel v. NSA and the Locking of Legal Remedy

The Jewel lawsuit argued over the unconstitutionality and illegality of the government’s surveillance. Courts accepted the government’s argument that members of the public could not challenge the classified program it harms in a public court. 

Specifically, the Supreme Court rejected granting certiorari and re-evaluating a Ninth Circuit decision (and an initial district court ruling) that asserted that the common law state secrets privilege impeded victims’ attempts to prove their data was intercepted. Courts say they had no standing to sue. A case brought to Court by the ACLU on behalf of Wikimedia faced the same fate. 

As demonstrated by the Jewel case, the judiciary has utilized secrecy to carve out a broad national security exception to the Constitution, FISA, and Section 702. This allows all Americans to be spied upon by their government. It denies us any feasible recourse. It even directly impacts even a sitting member of Congress.

Report regarding the collective spying program, Rep. LaHood was the one whose name an intelligence analyst inappropriately searched numerous times within the 702 database. 

Congress Can Reopen the Courthouse Doors to Surveillance Victims

Congress now stands at a crossroads where it could redress past errors related to Section 702, which is almost at the end of its term. Congress must reinforce its commitment to provide actionable accountability measures in instances where innocent people become surveillance targets and reinstate court access to such individuals seeking to safeguard their rights. 

  1. They can expressly overrule the Supreme Court’s erroneous interpretation of FISA Section 1806 in FBI v. Fazaga, where the Court misconstrued Congress’s intentions to provide legal recourse for individuals wrongfully surveilled. 
  2. They can prove that Section 1806(f) was designed to supersede the state secrets privilege in lawsuits concerning electronic surveillance evidence. 

The Supreme Court ruling effectively renders the promise of FISA’s redress for surveillance law violations as merely symbolic. Congress can reaffirm the correct interpretation and rectify this misstep by the Supreme Court. 

Secondly, Congress can establish that the case should proceed despite the privileges of the relevant state secrets. Discourse for this prospect has existed since 2009 through the State Secrets Protection Act, HR 984, 110th Cong. (2009), which suggests protocols for secure evidence review in courts when the government claims secret status, thus ensuring cases are not dismissed on grounds of state secrecy till plaintiffs exhaust all non-privileged evidence discovery. It’s an overdue reform. Congress must reform Section 702. 

Courts have impeded individuals from pursuing judicial accountability, as envisioned by Congress. Representative LaHood is a prime example, being aware of his surveillance yet with no way to contest it. The average citizen deserves legal redress to uphold their constitutional rights. 

These points only scratch the surface of the reforms needed for accountability and oversight of Section 702. Widespread global surveillance infringes on everyone’s rightful privacy. The NSA’s mass surveillance, spanning two decades, violates Constitutional rights. The facade must end, and this authority must finally be put to rest. 

Looking back, we must remember that the essence of the CIA surveillance program finds its roots in Executive Order 12333. Unlike the NSA surveillance programs, this program comes under fewer checks since the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act does not bind it. The CIA presumes its targets are foreign bodies. This leads to gathering US personal data, potentially infringing on constitutional rights. This is what they claim: everything is Russian disinformation. It’s a pretext!

This raises an intriguing question – Can Alex Jones successfully sue the CIA? The answer may surprise you – Yes, it is possible, although it would necessitate exceptional legal strategy and compelling evidence of harm.  

Standing!

First and foremost, one must establish ‘standing,’ the legal term for demonstrating personal harm caused by the action being sued for. This would mean displaying proof of being a direct target for Alex Jones. He’d need surveillance-reflecting emails, text messages, or other documented exchanges, such as the X video, which is an admission. He already has an admission. Whether it’s enough, only time will tell.

The next step would be to assert that the CIA’s surveillance violated the constitutional boundaries and infringed upon Jones’s Fourth and First Amendment rights, etc. Expert testimony and evidence can strengthen the case.   

Lastly, engaging a legal team ingrained in the national security law is critical. This lawsuit requires extensive familiarity with laws, precedents, and intelligence agency operations. Winning such a high-stake case without understanding the rules is unlikely. 

Although legally challenging the CIA is not a cakewalk, it’s not entirely impossible. The critical determinant is whether Jones can corroborate his allegations with substantial evidence and successfully traverse constitutional rights remains to be seen.

Challenging CIA Immunity: Exploring Legal Remedies for Victims of Surveillance and Defamation

Does the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) enjoy immunity from engaging in illegal surveillance to harm and defame individuals through various channels, including news media, big tech platforms, and corporations? Let’s examine some legal doctrines, case law, and constitutional principles. Next, let’s look at avenues for legal redress for victims. Here are the broader implications for government accountability and individual rights.

The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) is powerful. It has the resources to gather intelligence or destroy people like Elon Musk. It goes beyond intelligence-gathering functions. It illegally surveils Americans and disseminates propaganda. We just saw in the above video that CIA contractor Gavin O’Blennis at 00:19 corroborated the targeting of individuals, including Jones, with private, external entities. It targets Citizens perceived as adversaries. It often claims its targets disseminate Russian disinformation. 

The CIA’s history remains shrouded in secrecy, with little public scrutiny. It has been targeting domestic people using third-party intermediaries, including news media, technology companies, and corporate entities, to further its objectives for years. An agent just admitted it likely engaged in the defamation and character assassination of Alex Jones. His views or activities may be perceived as contrary to the agency’s “woke” interests.

Legal Analysis: CIA immunity hinges on several legal doctrines, including sovereign immunity, qualified immunity, and the state secrets privilege. While the government traditionally enjoys certain immunities from liability, these protections are not absolute and may be subject to exceptions under certain circumstances. Victims of alleged CIA surveillance, defamation, or other unlawful activities may pursue legal remedies, including civil litigation. They may be able to sue for constitutional rights violations. Fundamental legal principles they regularly violate include the First Amendment’s protections of free speech and freedom of the press. They regularly violate the Fourth Amendment’s prohibition against unreasonable searches and seizures. They regularly violate the separation of powers doctrine, too.

More on CIA Immunity

The issue of CIA immunity raises profound questions. What should the balance be between national security interests and individual rights? What about accountability for their actions? To offer a fuller perspective of this daunting task, here’s a quick overview of significant CIA surveillance programs over the years, their period of activation, and a summary of their operations:

Other Examples:

 FBI whistleblowers Garret O’Boyle and Stephen Friend, speaking at @OversightPR’s Weaponization of Government Symposium at @Heritage, explain how the FBI directed them to target concerned parents and pro-lifers

After the shocking revelations of the 9/11 attacks, the United States government ramped up its surveillance efforts. With the CIA at the reins, these efforts culminated in a secretive program established under Executive Order 12333. Unlike the NSA’s surveillance programs, which require oversight as per the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), this CIA program was found to have had less scrutiny. 

A declassified report by the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (PCLOB) disclosed the extent of the surveillance program of the CIA. It found they had been sweeping up US personal data, even potentially domestic data. This was done outside of any statutory reforms and intelligence community oversight. Anecdotal evidence suggested this program was in utter disarray, with compliance to EO 12333 and CIA regulations described as a ‘total mess.’. ​

With the lid blown off the secret bulk data collection program, the NSA’s ILLEGAL surveillance operations were exposed in 2013. This brought the government’s surveillance tactics into the public eye and mounted pressure for legislative intervention. In response to this call, Congress passed legislation in 2015 ending the NSA’s program, which aimed to prohibit mass data collection under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978

Another shocking detail emerged with the revelation of the CIA’s internet backbone surveillance. Notably, this was similar to FISA Section 702 and was active even before the 9/11 attacks. Like other surveillance programs, it operated without judicial oversight, raising significant questions about individual privacy and civil liberties. 

Considering these historical contexts, any potential lawsuit against the CIA would need to rely heavily on drawing attention to the lack of transparency, showcasing clear violations of personal privacy laws and constitutional rights, and demonstrating the need for robust oversight mechanisms in intelligence and surveillance operations.

One of the most startling revelations in recent history about the CIA’s surveillance programs comes from a declassified report by the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (PCLOB). This report unveiled operations that occurred without statutory reforms and the proper supervision of the intelligence community. 

With a presumption that their targets were foreign entities, the CIA fell into a dangerous pitfall — they accrued data on US citizens, thereby risking a constitutional breach. The gravity of this scenario and the ripple effects it can generate are alarming. Critics like Patrick Eddington, a researcher from the renowned Cato Institute, have argued that specific FBI practices, es like the act of using informants to infiltrate civil society organizations and perusing CIA and NSA data streams on US citizens, ns must be proclaimed illegal by the law. 

Another alarming fact revolves around the Central Intelligence Agency’s covert collection practices. There is a prevalent fear that the agency has been amassing private information about American citizens without proper oversight. This action not only goes against the moral fabric of privacy that the country prides itself on, but it may also be unconstitutional, directly infringing upon the civil liberties of individuals. 

A glaring example of the secrecy shrouding these surveillance operations can be found in the many redacted CIA/AG audit pages. The number of redacted portions raises concerns about potential abuses and violations of the rights of US citizens. These concerns highlight the urgent need to address the lack of oversight on government surveillance activities. 

A page from a leaked 2011 copy of the CIA’s rule book shows that section 20.2 deals with name trace requests and using CIA and NSA data in investigations and assessments. While this is legal for foreign surveillance objectives, the danger lies in the lack of clarification, as this process could be used domestically to track American citizens.

With such considerations in mind, Alex Jones, or anyone wishing to sue the CIA, would need to form a compelling argument against these practices to stand any chance at winning a lawsuit. This battle will not be easy to win, but with transparency, accountability, and respect for civil liberties at its core, it is undoubtedly a fight worth fighting.

Was the Jones Defamation Judge a CIA Operative??

There is no credible Courtnce to suggest that the judge presiding over Jones’ defamation case was a ‘plant’ by the CIA. While such allegations can be rhetorically powerful, they require a solid fact-based foundation to uphold in Court. As such, it remains crucial to separate fact from speculation when approaching this susceptible issue.

No Different With FBI, all in for Democrats?

The FBI targets gun owners, Christians, and supporters of legal immigration. A whistleblower exposed everything. Can this be interpreted as a bias for Democrat policies? 

Critics point out that the FBI has collaborated with US intelligence agencies for over a decade, perhaps leading to aligning strategies. For instance, the expanded use of assessments has drawn bipartisan concern over the years. This is particularly prevalent among civil society organizations who feel targeted due to their political or religious ideologies. 

Notably, groups such as the Concerned Women for America, a New York chapter of the League of Women Voters, and the Muslim Justice League in Massachusetts have all been swept up in these FBI assessments. These instances push forth the notion that there’s a directed focus on individuals and organizations who may not align with a particular political narrative. 

Adding to the alarm, federal law enforcement, including the FBI and the Treasury Department’s Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN), have been conducting backchannel discussions with financial institutions to gather Americans’ private financial data. This raises questions about privacy rights and the potential misuse of data for political ends. 

Representatives Nancy Mace and Jamie Raskin have stepped up. They want a comprehensive review of the FBI’s practices. The Government Accountability Office (GAO) needs to step in to stop bias in intelligence agency activities. 

Since the surveillance focus is on specific demographics (White males, Christians, and gun owners), it should be questioned. They are clearly all in for partisan politics, according to their victims. Faith in our intelligence agencies is at an all-time low, according to non-democrats. 

Conclusion

The intersection of national security interests, individual rights, and government accountability presents complex challenges. We must pursue legal recourse against the CIA. We must uphold respect for civil liberties. We need more legal reforms, judicial oversight, and whistleblower protections. CIA and FBI targeting of veterans and at least half of Americans is an outrage.

Data provided by tech giants has aided illegal intelligence gathering. These operations were found illegal by higher courts. This symbiotic relationship, however, enables an opaque and unsettling potential, posing threats to civil liberties. 

So when it comes to the potential success of Alex Jones’ lawsuit, the answer would be found in proving the CIA’s abuse of these connections and demonstrating how they violate the constitutional rights of individuals – a feat that, while challenging, is not impossible. If you were injured in Texas or California, Michael Ehline wants to discuss your case or possibly have you on his show so the world can watch it in real-time. 

Hidden History of U.S. School System – What to Expect from New World Order

Our education system has experienced quite some changes over its history. We don’t think too much about schooling systems when we’re children, so many of these “adjustments” over the past few decades probably flew over our heads.

At their core, schools are supposed to be environments to stimulate learning and socializing. However, haven’t you stopped to think about how many schools forget that we’re all unique and have different learning needs?

We’ve had years of standardized tests and countless hours of learning things that we probably won’t use when we’re older. Many people argue that the current education system promotes mindless conformity by using outdated methods to assess your intelligence.

When you think about it, it doesn’t make too much sense. Why is the education system like that? What influenced institutions to offer these resources to people? That’s what we’ll try to uncover here.

I’ll dive deep into the hidden history of our school system and how it has influenced teachers, students, and people in general.

How Has the U.S. Education System Changed Over Its History?

Not everyone is a fan of history, but understanding where we come from will help us see why society is the way it is today.

You’ll get a better idea of the true purpose of schooling in our nation, and why it may be scary to keep going with this classroom system in the future.

Early 90s

Our school system started back in the 1900s. Several oligarchs, including Rockefeller, Morgan, and Carnegie, were looking for ways to increase and preserve their wealth.

One of the ideas involved tax-exempt, non-profit organizations. These organizations were marketed as something “good” for people, which allowed them to easily sell them to the general public.

Back in 1900, we only had 21 of these organizations. By the end of 1990, however, there were more than 50,000.

J.D. Rockefeller established the General Education Board (GEB) in 1905. Its goal was to “keep the working class from having control over public teaching.” Rockefeller started to get support from Guggenheim, Carnegie, Morgan, Mellon, and Vanderbilt shortly after the board started.

The General Education Board’s first mission statement mentioned the following:

In our dreams, people yield themselves with perfect docility to our molding hands. The present education conventions of intellectual and character education fade from their minds and unhampered by tradition we work our own good will upon a grateful and responsive folk. We shall not try to make these people or any of their children into men of learning or philosophers, or men of science. We have not to raise up from them authors, educators, poets or men of letters, great artists, painters, musicians, nor lawyers, doctors, statesmen, politicians, creatures of whom we have ample supply. The task is simple. We will organize children and teach them in a perfect way the things their fathers and mothers are doing in an imperfect way.

Eight years later, the Congress concluded the following about the GEB:

“The domination of men in whose hands the final control of a large part of American industry rests is not limited to their employees but is being rapidly extended to control the education and social services of the nation. The giant foundation exercises enormous power through direct use of its funds, free of any statutory entanglements so they can be directed precisely to the levers of a situation; this power, however, is substantially increased by building collateral alliances that insulate it from criticism and scrutiny.”

What happened later? Between the 1920s and 1950s, the “founding fathers” of the General Education Board started the American Historical Association (AHA). Their purpose now was to create U.S. history professors.

Later, the founding group endowed “Columbia Teachers College,” and here’s when things get interesting: This institution produced one-fifth of American public school teachers, one-third of presidents for teacher-training groups, and even one-quarter of superintendents.

The institution had full control over textbooks and literature in public schools. In other words, what was taught had a specific narrative in place.

Rockefeller was able to get control over many policies in the educational system, which also allowed him to control the flow of taxpayer funds through property ownership. He used his influence and power to open more educational institutions.

You can consider this the origin phase of our education system. Most of the efforts were put into opening institutions and gaining control over the historical narrative that was shared with students.

Unfortunately, things only get worse from here.

Mid 90s

In 1952, Edward E. Cox led the “Cox Committee Investigation” program, which aimed to learn more about tax-exempt foundations and how they’re using their resources. Cox also wanted to determine whether these organizations were using resources for subversive activities or other factors that were not in the nation’s best interest.

Then, in 1954, the House authorized Norman Dodd’s “Reece Committee,” which aimed to investigate why these organizations were founded and how they influenced public life. According to his research, funds from major foundations like the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace were used to deteriorate teaching techniques to enable oligarchical collectivism.

Later in the 1960s, the UNESCO Convention Against Discrimination aimed to “end discrimination,” although some people could also see that as an effort by the United Nations to have control and influence over schools in the U.S.

During these years, the Feminist movement started to get more powerful too. This allowed more women to work in the industry. Since the educational system had already gained power over the past 60 years, there was a higher demand for early education and daycare workers.

As you can see, the system had already become suspicious for a portion of the population back then. Even though there was already some awareness about how schools were influencing kids, adults, and culture in general, the last few decades in the 90s had more plans.

Here’s a rundown:

  • 1967-1974: The government (specifically the Department of Education) started testing the Prussian education model for the nation’s system. This system focused on behavior modification, which aimed to maintain control and teach specific ‘proper’ and ‘improper’ behavior.
  • 1972-1980: Several professors from funded institutions started to write books that may have pushed biased opinions. To summarize, these promoted the idea that parents and their children had to learn a global perspective to “avoid rejection of values being taught in school.” Most people could find these writings/ideas in different media channels, including professional educator journals in the nation.

Late 90s

The 1990s saw new laws that promoted standardized teaching. They encouraged to train children for particular career paths within the global workforce. In other words, we started getting educated to follow the same idea instead of being encouraged to make our own decisions based on current knowledge.

In this era, the Clinton Administration passed these three main laws:

  • Elementary and Secondary Education Act
  • Goals 2000 Act
  • School-to-Word Act

The 90s also started benefiting from computers, which people used to collect information about students and other relevant areas within the industry.

2000s

By the time the 2000s arrived, the traditional educational system was a “success.” There weren’t too many changes during this era, but there are a couple of things worth mentioning:

  • The Common Core State Standards Initiative began in 2010. Its goal was to establish the skills that students should have in different subjects at every grade, particularly English and Math. More than 40 states adopted the “Common Core” standards to increase consistency within the system.
  • We got the Zero-to-Three program. Essentially, it works to ensure that “all babies and toddlers have a strong start in life.” While this non-profit organization says its goal is to provide parents, policymakers, and professionals with the tools to educate children as early as possible, some people argue that this could be just another way to force the current education system on toddlers as early as possible.

How Will Schools Perform in the Future?

Is the current educational system meant to prepare people to work, or is it shaped to allow students to explore their creativity?

When you think about it, most schools promote three main factors:

  • Punctuality
  • Obedience
  • Repetitiveness

These could be great values to learn and apply later in life, but what about everything else? You could argue that these three factors are just requirements to produce factory workers and that’s why schools don’t focus on other important areas of life.

We live in an era where the internet and social media are more accessible than ever. Both have transformed the way how we learn, so there’s no doubt that many schools are getting worried about their influence on people.

It may be tricky to tell what will happen with schools specifically. Considering how technology has advanced to this point, we could expect institutions to use augmented reality and AI to make the learning experience more immersive for students.

While that sounds exciting for some and scary for others, we’ll have to wait and see what happens. We’ve reached a point where it’s hard to control what people consume on the internet, which has its pros and cons. While we can only hope that schools change and promote a healthier and more effective environment where students can think for themselves, you can guarantee the internet will have a heavy influence on that.

How Can We Solve the Problems with Our Educational System?

Changing the entire education system may seem impossible, so what can we do?

Spreading this information may be a great step to take. Bringing awareness to these problems may one day yield positive results.

I also recommend expanding your learning horizons as much as possible. With responsible and safe use of the internet, you can learn many new things without worrying about narratives or manipulation most of the time.

We Have to Take Action

You may have seen how it’s much easier now to voice your opinion.

As you learned from this page, most education systems have remained the same over the past few decades despite all the technological advancements.

However, we’re not in the industrial age anymore; we’re now living in an era led by the internet and AI, making these older educational systems outdated and irrelevant. This is why homeschooling has become more popular.

Even if we’re not able to change the entire system anytime soon, you can take action by exploring alternative education options for your children (and yourself). It’s never too late to learn something new.

How Much Is a Life Worth in California?

Los Angeles, CA wrongful death case evaluator

Wrongful Death Values 101

A life can be worth 1 dollar to billions, depending on various facts and legal principles discussed below.
  • Wrongful death survivors will experience lost wages, lost companionship, and other circumstances.
  • How can people even put a value on how much a human life is worth?
  • How many lives equal one? Is there an average price for killing or saving a person?
  • When it comes to lives saved, should we prioritize others above ourselves?

So what’s a life worth in Los Angeles, California, as an accurate demand?

One of the most common questions at Ehline Law Firm is, “What is the “average” or “normal” jury verdict or wrongful death settlement?” Since each death case is unique, there is no such thing as an average wrongful death settlement. However, let our wrongful death lawyers review the regular ranges, and how they impact the case’s reward.

A Dark but Important Question About Life:

There are many questions about wrongful death claims, but there are never enough answers. That is because everything varies depending on the circumstances. Luckily, Ehline Law Firm can help people learn about the dollar value they can receive when they put in a wrongful death claim.

What Is the Average Wrongful Death Settlement for a Life?

The math is full of variables. Analyzing why some cases are worth millions while others cost less than a million dollars could be a full-time job. One wrongful death lawsuit may go to trial, while others get settled before the start of a trial. There may be many unknown factors or obvious ones throughout a court case. This article will explain everything you must know about the price of human life in this business-oriented economy.

A wrongful death suit settlement varies depending on the wrongful act and the individual’s contribution to the life of the surviving spouse, children, or parents. The involvement of an insurance company also affects the amount that wrongful death cases settle for insofar as the total cost of a life.

Below, our wrongful death lawyers will look at and explain some death claim elements that will affect the compensation you may obtain in a wrongful death case.

A Human Life Settlement

Many free articles online claim that people are worth millions of dollars. However, economists have discussed how the average dollar value of one person is a million dollars at UC Berkeley. That is more than enough to buy a new car.

However, what makes up this number, and can people receive this amount after taxes? With a large population, there is no way that every person will be compensated that amount of money when a wrongful death settlement is being spoken about.

Trade-offs Consumers Must Know

Insurance companies and governments consider trade-offs when completing a cost-benefit analysis. If someone’s passing is due to air pollution left by large corporations, the family will not receive any money. The company will see that not many people are dying from the air, so it does not need to pay any money.

However, another example would be if someone lost their life to a negligent doctor.

Two cases would come forward:

  1. a wrongful death case, and
  2. a medical malpractice case.

Saving lives is what a doctor is supposed to do, but if the data shows that the average cost of keeping the doctor in the medical field does not outweigh the costs of future lawsuits and the more Americans they would hurt, this would be a winning case.

Calculating How Much Money You Lost or Stand to Lose

It may seem strange to think of money when grieving the loss of a loved one. No amount of capital can make up for the loss of a child or spouse in a motorcycle accident or on a dream cruise vacation, for example.

Nonetheless, California law permits surviving family members to get compensated for specific monetary reductions, such as: 

  • The value of any household services or transportation. Your wife, for example, may have cooked and done the laundry. Thus, you may need to employ another individual to complete these responsibilities after she passes away due to wrongful death action. You may be eligible for reimbursement to cover these additional costs.
  • Financial compensation for the future. If you were financially reliant on your loved one, the decedent’s death would be a devastating global blow to your finances. You may have entitlement to damages equal to the amount of financial assistance you reasonably expected.
  • Funeral costs and burial expenses
  • You would have received the loss of benefits or gifts if your family member had survived.

It’s challenging to figure out how much capital one has lost or explain it to insurance companies. Nobody knows what kind of employment your loved one will undertake in the future or how much you will receive.

However, based on your loved one’s education, age, experience, and employment history, you may estimate the amount of financial help you would have gotten, including the shortages after injury.

The estate may also file a survival action to recover medical expenses paid before death and the pain and suffering your family members experienced in their final days. But even if you can prove liability, fault, suffering, and financial losses over the decedent’s life span, you may still be forced to file a wrongful death lawsuit for putting your losses right.

Additionally, the decedent’s estate representative may need to file a probate court action and a survival action for any economic damages and pain and suffering of the dead person or other loved ones’ lives.

A top-notch personal injury lawyer from our firm can explain your potential recovery step by step, including any risks. Don’t leave money damage on the table by having regrets over what you would have earned for the decedent’s life after a motorcycle accident, other motor vehicle accident, or tragedy. Always seek legal advice before signing anything or cashing a settlement check.

Intangible Losses in a Wrongful Death Lawsuit

California wrongful death legislation recognizes the emotional grief that family members experience after a loved one’s tragic death.

As a result, you may file wrongful death lawsuits for several emotional losses, such as loss of affection, loss of guidance, loss of moral support, loss of companionship, loss of attention, and loss of intimacy.

These are genuine losses. However, they are more challenging to assess because no bill or receipt defines their value. Instead, you and your friendly, charismatic, experienced attorney need to consider how to prove these intangible damages.

How Much Compensation Could Someone Receive?

Compared to many other normal circumstances, money that would be received after a loved one has passed away is never an easy conversation, but it needs to be done. The team understands that no amount of money could be received to help the pain go away.

However, California law does say that children and the remaining family should receive some pay for their struggles:

  • If the primary house caretaker were to pass, then the family living there may be entitled to benefits to help them complete chores around the house.
  • Another reason would be someone’s income. If the person who passed provides money for housing, food, and other financial responsibilities, these expenses must be considered. The family would be entitled to those future wages or the quarter they pay out of pocket.
  • Any funeral and burial costs that happened would be another figure that could be added to a settlement. The course of a funeral can affect many people because they are expensive. However, this is not fair to the grieving family, so the city or the insurance company should ensure that these services are taken care of.
  • If any medical expenses are to be paid, this would be added to the prices. In a country like the USA, hospital bills and other medical needs tend to be expensive, leaving families in crippling debt for the next year or more. However, they don’t deserve this so that this information will be reviewed and added to the independent case.

Every week, a team member helps more people in different cities negotiate a wrongful death settlement. That is why they know how to create a budget that is in the family’s interests that was left behind.

Things That Cannot Be Put in a Cost-Benefit Analysis

It doesn’t take a law professor to determine how much money could help with losing a loved one in California. It takes a lot of facts, documents, and evidence for a judge, jury, and insurance company to study. That is why a child or a partner can review the case and discuss any emotional distress they believe they should be compensated for.

Some emotional distress that would fall under this category would be:

  • Loss of mutual support
  • Loss of companionship
  • Loss of guidance
  • Loss of affection
  • Loss of attention
  • Loss of intimacy.

When a wrongful death settlement needs to be made, everyone should seek the right advice from the team that will look after them every time. They do not need to spend money on someone help who will not put their best interest first.

The team at Ehline Law Firm will not rest until their clients are happy with the result because they understand the finances that need to be looked at for the case. Also, with decades of combined experience, there is no risk when contacting someone from the office to visit the website.

Overall, case management will be taken care of thoroughly, which is why you can finally have a breather. The economic side of everything can be daunting. Still, the team will ensure that everything, including inflation, has been considered and put into the estimates into the correct categories.

Lastly, they will ensure that your voice is heard at all points because that is what matters. There is no point in spending hours when the family does not know what is happening. Instead, every adult involved will know what to expect since the team will be open to calculating the cash value and help you weigh the risks versus benefits of proceeding to trial.

Conclusion

In California, Ehline Law Firm has established itself as the “go-to” firm for wrongful death settlements. We know what you need to show to win your wrongful death case and are experts at hunting down the evidence you need.

An experienced wrongful death attorney from Ehline Law Firm in California has years of expertise negotiating advantageous settlements for our clients that adequately compensate them for potential economic losses and emotional pain after a fatal accident. It’s natural to feel unhappy, angry and scared about the future after the death of a loved one.

A personal injury attorney from Ehline Law Firm takes over your wrongful death lawsuit and begins preparing a wrongful death claim against the defendants. This resource helps you spend more time with your family members dealing with anguish, grief, and lost bills after lost earnings solutions.

Schedule a Free Consultation with our Wrongful Death Attorneys Today

We value our attorney-client relationship, meaning you can trust that our legal advice regarding your wrongful death claim is in your best interests. Our Los Angeles wrongful death lawyer holds liable parties responsible.

Contact us at (213) 596-9642 to begin the process and speak to a wrongful death attorney. You can also use our convenient online contact us form any time of day, 24/7.

Impact of Video & Police Body Cameras in Police Abuse Cases

Police-incited confrontations are not a new phenomenon. The George Floyd case illustrated the significant value of cell phone video to the press. However, police bodycam footage often faces issues such as being recorded over, obscured, or misdirected. In contrast, cell phone videos capture more unbiased and consistent footage, highlighting incidents previously accepted without question by juries due to the lack of visual evidence.

The growing use of police body-worn cameras and civilian-recorded footage, exemplified by activists like Chille from DeleteLawz, has revealed disparities in law enforcement’s accountability. These videos have become crucial in forming the basis of citizen complaints and civil rights lawsuits despite the disdain from law enforcement agencies like the Los Angeles Police Department.

Body Worn Cameras and Dishonest Police Officers 101

As police use of force citizen complaints escalate, we see many officers wearing body cameras turning off whole sections, so the video captured misses their abusive conduct/statements. In other words, these body camera programs are not popular with cops, and “JBTP” hates it when body camera videos show up on the web. They hate it even more when body-worn cameras are contradicted by citizens with cell cam footage.

Let me illustrate this with a few critical points about police body cameras: 

  • Officer-worn body cameras recording body camera footage are becoming increasingly common evidence in court cases, in particular, domestic violence cases.
  • Public access to these videos has made police misconduct more visible, casting a shadow over the criminal justice system due to frequent plaintiffs’ missing footage.
  • Body cams and civilian recordings provide unique perspectives on police abuse, including officer-involved shootings, challenging the effectiveness of body camera programs.

An officer wearing a body cam or a citizen recording critical incidents can offer a unique perspective on police abuse and, in particular, officer-involved shootings. Naturally, this results in body cams being scrutinized more closely than ever before, and the disappearance of body-worn video defeats the purpose of body-worn camera programs nationwide. The intent was to use body-worn cams so that onlookers or people in the public could see the scene from the viewpoint of officers wearing cameras. And that takes us to the heart of the action concerning modern policing and citizen resistance.

Police Departments and Youtube Auditors

The footage from police body cameras and civilian recordings paints complex pictures of incidents, often influenced by subsequent emotional interpretations or narrative edits. This challenges the objective observer role the body camera program aimed to achieve. Hence, it is essential that First Amendment auditors and YouTube influencers, such as Chille and DeleteLawz, bring police accountability.

Chille’s approach underscores a critical perspective: officers behave more respectfully when being recorded. This observation highlights the invaluable role of video footage in fostering justice for both the public and the police in today’s digital age. As complaints regarding police use of force escalate, many officers found wearing body cameras have been reported to disable them selectively. This act ensures that the video captured does not include their abusive conduct or statements, reflecting the unpopularity of these camera programs among police officers. The disdain is extreme when body camera videos contradict civilian footage, revealing the truth.

The film paints a picture of the incident, along with edits filtered by emotions or subsequent accounts of unfolding events in the eyes of law enforcement. It is not the unbiased observer the body-worn camera program strived to achieve. This is why we need First Amendment auditors and others, including YouTube influencers such as Chille and Delete Lawz. Chille takes police accountability to a new level, with over a half million subscribers and views that are off the charts.

“The camera sees what it sees, without emotion, without prejudice. It simply records the moments as they unfold.”

Chille says officers are more respectful and less likely to violate you, if they know they are on camera. The value of having such a perspective at our fingertips should not be underestimated. It is a tool for justice – for both the public and the police. In this era when everyone has a camera phone, bodycam footage is playing an increasingly critical role in shaping public opinions about alleged police. Instead, with the advent of new technology, we are now seeing a surge in awareness of the problem of excessive force by law enforcement officers because of body cameras worn by police officers, as well as videos being recorded by spectators.

Ordinary people are now recording the gritty and frequently adverse occasions of citizen/police interaction broadcast on Facetime Live, Instagram, and the nightly news. This article discusses the issues surrounding the impact of new technologies on police misconduct practice and
What do plaintiffs’ lawyers need to consider when moving forward with a police misconduct case, given this new reality?

Cameras everywhere

With the increased availability of video evidence, we are met with a new set of challenges and debates. Roughly one in three of the United States’ 12,000 police departments, and half of those in larger cities, have begun providing at least some of their officers with body cameras. This percentage is notably up from just a couple of years ago. The move towards police-worn body cameras has received widespread public endorsement, transcending all racial and ethnic divisions.

Astonishingly, a 2014 study by the Pew Research Center identified an extensive majority of approval among white, African American, and Latino respondents in favor of increased body camera use by the local police force patrolling their communities. It is, however, worth mentioning that this data was gathered immediately after the non-indictment of the officer implicated in the death of Eric Garner in Staten Island. Mr. Garner was filmed as he desperately repeated, “I can’t breathe” 11 times with officers on top of him, apparently in an attempt to restrain him. 

This video quickly became a viral sensation online, symbolizing the perceived advantages of real-time recordings of incidents involving law enforcement and citizens. The discussions ignited by this video continue to underline the importance of permitting ordinary citizens to document their encounters with the police.

California Led the Way?

California took the lead in transforming common law, cementing the First Amendment rights of its citizens to document police conduct. On August 11, 2015, Gov. Jerry Brown approved “The Right to Record Act,” which officially permits all individuals to record or photograph a police officer in public spaces without fear of being prosecuted for impeding the officer’s duties or otherwise obstructing justice. This law encourages officers to uphold the law, given the risk of being filmed.

Despite this, it is well documented that police officers often intimidate citizens who try to record police actions. The proliferation of body cameras brings many legal and policy questions to the fore. For instance, should police be mandated to film every interaction, regardless of severity? Some argue that cameras must only be activated when an officer anticipates a potential confrontation. However, this ignores the fact that officers cannot accurately predict every situation that may escalate.

On or Off?

Police often talk about the need to make rapid decisions, abuse of force, and deciding whether or not to turn on their cameras would only intensify such a decision-making process. A counter-argument points out that over 95% of police-public interactions are routine and do not result in arrests or contentious behavior; therefore, retaining all this footage would be a significant financial burden due to storage costs. Should this footage be made public? If so, when and under what circumstances should police-captured videos be released? 

Should there be a standardized policy that makes all recorded footage publicly available for a specific duration, such as 60 days, or should the police exercise discretion, deciding on the release of each video on a case-by-case basis? This debate essentially boils down to the balance between the police’s justifiable concern that the premature release of video footage may impede ongoing investigations versus the public’s right to information. Concerns arise around the likelihood that the decision to release a video would be manipulated only to serve the police department’s best interest only to serve the police department’s best interest. 

The issue also includes a gray area around privacy rights, particularly for those whose lives become the focus of police recordings. Could someone rightfully refuse to have an interaction in their home or with their minor children documented? (For example, could the footage be publicly disseminated later?) Besides these policy concerns, there is a significant question of when and under what circumstances officers can review their camera footage.

Are Cops Altering the Tapes?

For instance, the LAPD allows officers to view their recordings before filing their reports on the events leading up to the arrest or use-of-force incident. I believe this policy lacks integrity and garners public mistrust. Review reviews shouldn’t precede written reports to avoid potential fabrication and ensure report consistency. 

The decision-making body, The Los Angeles Police Commission, is working on a policy to address these concerns and others surrounding this novel aspect. However, these debates don’t seem to apply when regular citizens take footage; such videos are often uploaded to social media quickly after an incident with little consideration of body cameras, and these recordings don’t often complete a full picture.

They should be perceived as another form of evidence in the pursuit of justice. The increasing presence of recorded footage changes the playing field for plaintiff lawyers dealing with civil rights cases. New thinking and fresh strategies will be necessary. I would advise lawyers taking on new cases involving the LAPD, or even smaller agencies in the Southland, to promptly request the preservation of any video recordings of their incident.

Keeping a potential claim for evidence spoilation at hand is integral – particularly in your learning that videotape evidence hasn’t been preserved. In this ever-connected world we now live in, you must closely monitor social media and surveillance cameras after taking on a new police misconduct case. The challenge is that this critical evidence could take weeks or even longer to surface after the incident initially, typically due to the time it can take for a family to engage legal counsel. Valuable videos on social media don’t always help unless the incident is high-profile and the videos become widely circulated. 

It’s not only about navigating social media sites. Due to the ubiquitous presence of surveillance cameras today, we use them for our benefit. Lawyers should employ an investigator as soon as possible to find witnesses and check the existence of surveillance footage.

Final words

Unfortunately, it’s not all positive news for practitioners in this area. Video-recorded evidence isn’t the miracle solution that the plaintiff’s lawyers wanted. To my dismay, I’ve lost cases despite video evidence working in my favor—conflicting head-on with the police officer’s narrative of the incident. Multiple studies reveal that jurors often interpret video evidence prejudicially. Jurors with a predisposition towards law enforcement believe the evidence supports police, while anti-police jurors interpret the videos from their viewpoint. A significant body of evidence implies that even video footage is prone to biased interpretations considering existing attitudes toward the police. 

This contradicts the common belief that videos provide irrefutable evidence of the actual events.
For civil rights lawyers, video evidence isn’t the sole ingredient to a successful case. It is crucial to unearth all aspects of your proof. You must select a jury that will view the evidence impartially. So what does the future look like? Both phones and body cameras on police officers are here to stay for us trial lawyers.

Tackling issues around the usage of videotape evidence is part of this new reality. Across the nation, municipalities grapple with establishing policies that use videotape evidence. Striking a balance between legitimate law enforcement investigative interests and the privacy concerns of those captured on the tapes becomes crucial. For the practicing attorney, these new technologies aren’t radically transformative, at least in the immediate future. As police abuse lawyers, we must persist in our quest. We must win over the minds and hearts of fair citizens everywhere.